Deferred Prosecution Agreements must not contribute to trend of powerful elites escaping liability

13 JANUARY 2026
PRESS STATEMENT

The Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism (C4 Center) is outraged at recent comments from the Chief Commissioner of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) Azam Baki on the proposed Deferred Prosecution Agreement (DPA) mechanism intended to resolve high value corruption cases without trials in court. According to Azam, the mechanism shall allow corporate entities and individuals connected to corruption cases involving amounts of RM100 million and above to settle their cases out of court. We hold that this is a ridiculous move that will only serve to reduce public trust in the criminal justice system and ensure that those who cause the most detriment to the nation get to escape accountability.

This represents an extremely dangerous misunderstanding of DPA, which should be limited to legal persons and not natural persons.  The DPA mechanism is implemented in many nations as a form of non-trial resolution, where criminal prosecutions are concluded without a full trial in court. The exact procedure differs across jurisdictions, but generally it involves a process of negotiation between the prosecution and the investigated party which leads to a mutually acceptable agreement affirmed by a court. Common contractual terms include monetary penalties, admissions of guilt, and internal governance reforms for corporate entities. 

If the Malaysian government intends to introduce a DPA scheme, the fundamental consideration should be its purpose: why should an entity involved in criminal activity be afforded the opportunity for non-trial resolution? For corporate entities, the measure is intended to mitigate potential consequences associated with a criminal conviction for blameless employees, customers, suppliers, and investors e.g. the potential for job losses and wider negative economic implications. DPAs can also circumvent the slow, complex, and resource-intensive nature of prosecuting corporate criminal offences.

However, this must be balanced against the obvious fact that DPAs can enable parties to “escape” accountability for their actions, thereby weakening the deterrent effect of criminal penalties and undermining public confidence in the criminal justice system. For instance, the DPA scheme in the United Kingdom explicitly states that individuals are excluded – with the Solicitor-General noting that “individuals should not feel that they have any way out of their liabilities, but this relates purely to organisations… That does not let individuals off the hook, but it means that the business and jobs can continue and that these business entities have certainty, while ensuring that they are on tough conditions.” It is for this reason that we strongly oppose any decision to extend the applicability of DPAs to individuals involved in corruption offences.

According to Azam, the rationale for this decision is to prevent major cases from dragging on for years, causing prolonged losses to the government. It is important to emphasise that cases of this magnitude will primarily involve misappropriation of public funds by political leaders and bureaucrats who are in positions of power and authority. We ask, is that sufficient justification to enable such powerful individuals to simply pay restitution (when they have already benefited unjustly from pilfering public coffers) and escape criminal sanctions?

This mechanism would effectively encourage leaders to commit massive amounts of corruption to qualify for a DPA: why misappropriate RM50 million and face criminal charges when one could take double that amount and settle the case out of court? In a worst case scenario, they would simply be required to return the money that was already stolen. How is it logical to remove true accountability for the most serious offenders? What is the deterrent for grand corruption once this proposed DPA scheme is in place?

This is in furtherance of a growing trend of utilising civil forfeiture via the Anti-Money Laundering, Anti-Terrorism Financing, and Proceeds of Unlawful Activities Act 2001 to recover funds from corrupt practices without taking criminal action for the predicate offence. One such example was a recent case settled with RM600 million in tax penalties and a RM300 million compound, without the company being named and any admission of guilt. This indirectly creates an environment where the rich can effectively “settle” corruption cases by paying a financial sum through seizure, and their identities are further protected.

This trend of settling corruption cases through asset seizure, coupled with the plans to introduce a perverse DPA regime that allows individuals to settle corruption cases based on thresholds, is collectively alarming and raises serious questions about the competence of the graft busters and the lawmakers under the Madani Government. Such selective logic and regressive policies will directly lead to a guaranteed drop in the Corruption Perceptions Index, and also affect investor and voter confidence.

We hold that expanding the scope of a DPA mechanism to include individuals involved in corruption offences would be a massive step backwards in upholding the rule of law and reinforcing public trust in the justice system. As it stands there is already a general perception of a two-tiered legal system which protects the rich and powerful, and this move would only make this worse. It is clear that DPAs can be useful in tackling corporate crimes, but the government must not use this opportunity to also dilute accountability for the ruling class.

Therefore, C4 Center urges the following:

  1. The government must publicly commit to restricting the scope of DPAs to only include corporate entities.
  2. The Madani government must ensure meaningful engagement with CSOs and relevant stakeholders prior to any drafting of laws related to DPAs.
  3. The Madani government must ensure that non-conviction based asset forfeiture is not used solely to settle cases and recoup financial losses, while avoiding efforts to bring those involved in corrupt activity to justice.

END OF STATEMENT

Issued by:
Center to Combat Corruption & Cronyism (C4 Center)
For further enquiries, please contact:
c4center@gmail.com
019-216 6218

SHARE THIS:

FACEBOOK
TWITTER

THANK YOU!

All publications by C4 Center are downloadable for free. Much resources and funds have been put into ensuring that we conduct cutting edge research work for these issues to be brought to the attention of the general public, authorities, as well as public policymakers and lawmakers. If you like our work, please do consider supporting us by donating to us. Your financial support will go a long way in ensuring that we can continue fighting for a clean, and better, Malaysia.